Petr
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I gathered this information from the biography of Goebbels written by David Irving, here:
http://www.fpp.co.uk/books/Goebbels/Book.pdf
When Goebbels entered politics in the early 1920s, he was a sort of "Nazbol" type, or at least clearly a representative of the more left-wing section of the Nazi movement:
pp. 22-23
What were his politics at this time? His reading had vested him with some surprising inspirations. The memoirs of August Bebel (1840–1913), the founder of the Social Democratic party, had taught him not to lose heart.43 The real workers, Goebbels concluded, were in fact nationalist to the core. The Jews, intellectually head and shoulders above Bebel, had run rings around him. Goebbels for a time even described himself as a German communist; but this was more for the Russian origins of communism than for what it said as a creed. He read the diaries kept by Henri Alexandre de Catt as private secretary to Frederick the Great and three times afterward quoted the monarch’s dictum: ‘Life becomes a curse, and dying a duty.’
When he plowed through Richard Wagner’s autobiography he identified painfully with the maestro’s anguished struggle to survive in Paris, and with his physical suffering. He saw Wagner as a wage-slave enchained by the ‘filthy Jew’ Schlesinger.44
Looking around, he scowled at his smug, shallow-minded, pinstriped contemporaries, their lives dominated by the pay packet, football, and sex, and he understood why the communists hated the bourgeoisie.45 In July 1924 he began holding little political meetings at his house (in his parents’ absence), at which he described the great socialist experiment in Russia – ‘the glow from the east,’ he called it in Latin in his diary: Ex oriente lux. Only the Jewish nature of the Bolshevik leadership bothered him. ‘Men of Russia!’ he wrote. ‘Chase the Jews to the devil and put out your hand of friendship to Germany!’46
He was not however an international socialist. The great Germanic works inspired him. He immersed himself in Johann Sebastian Bach’s Saint Matthew’s Passion, and discovered Wagner’s Meistersinger.47
Thus Goebbels was horrified by the idea that German nationalists might end up serving as mercenaries of Western capitalists against the USSR, like the Ukrainian nationalists are right now footsoldiers of globalism against Russia:
pp. 30-31
This was a trenchant theme in all his writings, as was his somewhat ritualized affection for Russia: in the fourth issue he proclaimed, ‘we can see the commencement of our own national and socialist survival in an alliance with a truly national and socialist Russia.’41
When Gustav Stresemann signed the Locarno pact of nonaggression with France and Belgium (guaranteed by Britain and Italy) Goebbels was therefore appalled. An ugly vision seized him – of Germany’s sons dying in the service of western capitalism, ‘possibly, even probably, in some “Holy War” against Moscow!’42 'We shall be the mercenaries against Russia,’ he repeated gloomily a week later, ‘on the battlefields of capitalism. . . We’re done for.’43
…
Locarno, he argued, meant not peace but war. He foresaw a gigantic armed struggle against the Soviet Union using German blood. ‘And presiding over it all is the Jew, both in the ranks of world capitalism and concealed in Soviet bolshevism, egging on the Russians and Germans against each other. . .in one last orgy of hostilities.’
Likewise, Goebbels at first saw the insanity of Hitler's "Lebensraum" program, trying to put "an end to Russia as a state" as it was written in Mein Kampf:
p. 36
At Bamberg on the appointed day, Sunday February 14 [1926], he met Gregor Strasser early and they agreed their plan of action before walking over to the meeting. Hitler drove grandly past, before halting his chauffeur and offering Goebbels his hand. The young man took it, but the laugh was on him. Hitler had packed the audience with loyal local officials: he spoke for four hours about high politics and diplomacy, and Goebbels thought it prudent, on balance, to keep his mouth shut. He heard Hitler oppose all thought of dispossessing the princes and landed aristocracy (they were of course prominent among his backers). ‘For us,’ ruled Hitler, ‘there are no “princes,” only Germans.’ He forbade all further discussion of the party program: It had been sanctified by the blood of the party’s first martyrs.
But Hitler soon charmed him with his hypnotic charisma, and thus Goebbels ended up serving an anti-Russian cause in spite of his initial reservations:
p. 39
He willingly accepted Hitler’s invitation to the Obersalzberg a few days after Weimar. Emil Maurice, Hitler’s chauffeur, drove them out to the idyllic Lake Königssee; Hess and his girlfriend Ilse came too. Up at his still modest mountain villa Hitler dilated on Germany’s social and racial questions; Goebbels fell in love with him all over again and decided that here was the creator of the Third Reich: ‘Catlike – crafty, clever, skillful, compassionate; but like a lion too, roaring and larger than life.’56 Infected by this prolonged exposure to his idol, Goebbels saw in the sky a white cloud shaped like a swastika; it could only be a portent of his destiny. ‘Now,’ wrote Goebbels, hypnotized, leaving him on July 25, ‘the last doubts in me have vanished. Germany will live! Heil Hitler!’57
http://www.fpp.co.uk/books/Goebbels/Book.pdf
When Goebbels entered politics in the early 1920s, he was a sort of "Nazbol" type, or at least clearly a representative of the more left-wing section of the Nazi movement:
pp. 22-23
What were his politics at this time? His reading had vested him with some surprising inspirations. The memoirs of August Bebel (1840–1913), the founder of the Social Democratic party, had taught him not to lose heart.43 The real workers, Goebbels concluded, were in fact nationalist to the core. The Jews, intellectually head and shoulders above Bebel, had run rings around him. Goebbels for a time even described himself as a German communist; but this was more for the Russian origins of communism than for what it said as a creed. He read the diaries kept by Henri Alexandre de Catt as private secretary to Frederick the Great and three times afterward quoted the monarch’s dictum: ‘Life becomes a curse, and dying a duty.’
When he plowed through Richard Wagner’s autobiography he identified painfully with the maestro’s anguished struggle to survive in Paris, and with his physical suffering. He saw Wagner as a wage-slave enchained by the ‘filthy Jew’ Schlesinger.44
Looking around, he scowled at his smug, shallow-minded, pinstriped contemporaries, their lives dominated by the pay packet, football, and sex, and he understood why the communists hated the bourgeoisie.45 In July 1924 he began holding little political meetings at his house (in his parents’ absence), at which he described the great socialist experiment in Russia – ‘the glow from the east,’ he called it in Latin in his diary: Ex oriente lux. Only the Jewish nature of the Bolshevik leadership bothered him. ‘Men of Russia!’ he wrote. ‘Chase the Jews to the devil and put out your hand of friendship to Germany!’46
He was not however an international socialist. The great Germanic works inspired him. He immersed himself in Johann Sebastian Bach’s Saint Matthew’s Passion, and discovered Wagner’s Meistersinger.47
Thus Goebbels was horrified by the idea that German nationalists might end up serving as mercenaries of Western capitalists against the USSR, like the Ukrainian nationalists are right now footsoldiers of globalism against Russia:
pp. 30-31
This was a trenchant theme in all his writings, as was his somewhat ritualized affection for Russia: in the fourth issue he proclaimed, ‘we can see the commencement of our own national and socialist survival in an alliance with a truly national and socialist Russia.’41
When Gustav Stresemann signed the Locarno pact of nonaggression with France and Belgium (guaranteed by Britain and Italy) Goebbels was therefore appalled. An ugly vision seized him – of Germany’s sons dying in the service of western capitalism, ‘possibly, even probably, in some “Holy War” against Moscow!’42 'We shall be the mercenaries against Russia,’ he repeated gloomily a week later, ‘on the battlefields of capitalism. . . We’re done for.’43
…
Locarno, he argued, meant not peace but war. He foresaw a gigantic armed struggle against the Soviet Union using German blood. ‘And presiding over it all is the Jew, both in the ranks of world capitalism and concealed in Soviet bolshevism, egging on the Russians and Germans against each other. . .in one last orgy of hostilities.’
Likewise, Goebbels at first saw the insanity of Hitler's "Lebensraum" program, trying to put "an end to Russia as a state" as it was written in Mein Kampf:
p. 36
At Bamberg on the appointed day, Sunday February 14 [1926], he met Gregor Strasser early and they agreed their plan of action before walking over to the meeting. Hitler drove grandly past, before halting his chauffeur and offering Goebbels his hand. The young man took it, but the laugh was on him. Hitler had packed the audience with loyal local officials: he spoke for four hours about high politics and diplomacy, and Goebbels thought it prudent, on balance, to keep his mouth shut. He heard Hitler oppose all thought of dispossessing the princes and landed aristocracy (they were of course prominent among his backers). ‘For us,’ ruled Hitler, ‘there are no “princes,” only Germans.’ He forbade all further discussion of the party program: It had been sanctified by the blood of the party’s first martyrs.
I am quite stunned [wrote Goebbels the next day]. What kind of Hitler is this? A reactionary? Astonishingly clumsy and unsure of himself. The Russian question – he misses the point entirely. Italy and England ‘are our natural allies.’ Awful! ‘Our mission is to smash bolshevism. Bolshevism is a Jewish sham! We are to disinherit the Russians!’ All 180 millions of them!!!
But Hitler soon charmed him with his hypnotic charisma, and thus Goebbels ended up serving an anti-Russian cause in spite of his initial reservations:
p. 39
He willingly accepted Hitler’s invitation to the Obersalzberg a few days after Weimar. Emil Maurice, Hitler’s chauffeur, drove them out to the idyllic Lake Königssee; Hess and his girlfriend Ilse came too. Up at his still modest mountain villa Hitler dilated on Germany’s social and racial questions; Goebbels fell in love with him all over again and decided that here was the creator of the Third Reich: ‘Catlike – crafty, clever, skillful, compassionate; but like a lion too, roaring and larger than life.’56 Infected by this prolonged exposure to his idol, Goebbels saw in the sky a white cloud shaped like a swastika; it could only be a portent of his destiny. ‘Now,’ wrote Goebbels, hypnotized, leaving him on July 25, ‘the last doubts in me have vanished. Germany will live! Heil Hitler!’57
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