"A vicious anti-feminist backlash stuns South Korea"

Petr

Administrator
Feminism has made big inroads in South Korea lately, and its birthrates are in the toilet, so it is high time for some male backlash to begin:



OPINION

A vicious anti-feminist backlash stuns South Korea


HAWON JUNG

CONTRIBUTED TO THE GLOBE AND MAIL

PUBLISHED JANUARY 22, 2022

Hawon Jung
is a journalist who is writing a book about South Korea’s #MeToo movement.

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A rally in support of feminism outside of the offices of the opposition People Power Party (PPP) in Seoul on Dec. 12, 2021. After slow gains in women's rights, the country is seeing a rise in young men angry at feminists, who say they undermine opportunity.WOOHAE CHO/THE NEW YORK TIMES NEWS SERVICE


Recent incidents of harassment that South Korean women faced have been extensive and alarming. A three-time gold medalist in the Tokyo Olympics was cyberbullied and faced calls to have her medals in archery taken away because she had short hair, which some men claimed was a sign that she was a feminist. A suicide-prevention website set up for young women, whose suicide rates surged during the COVID-19 pandemic, temporarily went offline because of cyberattacks by online mobs who complained it disregarded men’s lives. When a lawmaker condemned a spate of brutal killings of women by intimate partners, the head of South Korea’s second-biggest party, the right-wing People Power Party (PPP), accused her of framing all men as abusers, comparing her “incitement” to antisemitism and racism.

Episodes like these are part of a wave of anti-feminist backlash that has swept South Korea, a country with one of the worst records in women’s rights in the industrialized world. Small advances that had been made in women’s rights in recent years sparked anger among young men who believe feminism has made them victims of “reverse-discrimination.” Amid mounting frustration over jobless woes, sky-high housing prices and growing inequality in wealth and opportunities, feminists became an easy scapegoat for men to vent their anger on.

Pitting angry young men against feminists has become a key political strategy of the PPP in seeking to oust the incumbent, centre-left Democratic Party in the presidential election in March. Populist anti-feminist rhetoric abounds, and major parties often shun open discussion of gender inequality for fears of offending young male voters, a development that cast a pall over the hard-won progress the country’s women had achieved.

South Korea is the world’s 10th largest economy, a tech giant that is home to Samsung, the world’s top smartphone maker, and a cultural powerhouse whose K-dramas like Squid Game, or K-pop stars like BTS have huge global followings. But, at the same time, the deep-seated patriarchy and gender discrimination in the country have seen relatively little change for decades.

The country, which placed 102nd in the world in terms of gender parity in a World Economic Forum ranking, has recorded the largest gender pay gap in the OECD for decades, currently standing at 32 per cent. Nearly 70 per cent of publicly listed companies have no female executive, and women account for 19 per cent of the seats in the National Assembly, almost on par with North Korea. Sexual harassment and misconduct are rife, especially the spycam porn crimes where women are secretly filmed, including at toilets, workplaces and schools. While the country, largely free from guns, is regarded as one of the safest places in the world, nearly 90 per cent of victims of violent crimes are women, with their abuse or killings by intimate partners making daily headlines.

But women have pushed back. Since 2018, they rallied together to bring down many powerful figures accused of sexual misconduct, including a popular presidential contender, in one of the most successful #MeToo campaigns. They fought against the spycam porn crimes, at one point taking to the streets by the tens of thousands to protest and eventually ushering in several landmark laws against the abuse. They successfully campaigned to end a decades-long ban on abortion. A growing number of “no marriage women” remain single and childless, defying traditional norms that women should be self-sacrificing caregivers for family.

But the wave of activism also drew pushback by those who thought the women had gone too far, with feminists often bullied as “men haters” or “the mentally diseased” who follow “the anti-social ideology.” Nearly 80 per cent of men in their 20s believed they were victims of gender discrimination, a survey showed, and South Korea ranked first among 28 countries surveyed by Ipsos last year on tension between the sexes.

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Bae In-kyu, head of Man on Solidarity, one of South Korea's most active anti-feminist groups, leads a rally in Seoul, Dec. 12, 2021.WOOHAE CHO/THE NEW YORK TIMES NEWS SERVICE

The backlash reached a fever pitch last year when men’s rights activists waged a war against the image of pinching fingers, often used to indicate something small, claiming it ridiculed the size of male genitalia. In a campaign many called a bizarre, McCarthyian witch-hunt, top companies and state institutions that used such images apologized for hurting the men’s feelings and removed the images from their promotional materials.

Against this backdrop, a right-wing political rookie rose to stardom by amplifying the debate on the “men-hating” hand gesture, and winning support from many male-dominated online forums steeped in anti-feminist rhetoric. Lee Jun-Seok, 36, has claimed gender inequality was exaggerated, dismissed women who protested discrimination as having “groundless victim mentality,” and lambasted measures to curb chronic underrepresentation of women in public spheres as special treatment that hurt fair competition for men. Mr. Lee was eventually elected the head of the PPP, and is now a top adviser to the party’s presidential contender, whose election promises echo major demands of young men’s rights activists.

Yoon Suk-Yeol, the PPP’s presidential candidate, is a former chief prosecutor who has vowed tougher punishment for the limited cases of false reports for sexual assault, which experts warned could intimidate assault victims into silence. (Many sexual assault victims in the country are accused of false reporting and libel when they come forward, although less than 0.8 per cent of the sexual assault cases are estimated to be false, according to state data.) Mr. Yoon also promised to dismantle the gender equality ministry, and slammed a new law to curb the trading of spycam porn footages in cyberspace as a form of censorship.

With young voters being seen as a crucial demographic in the coming election, few politicians are free from the pressure to toe the line. The candidate from the Democratic Party, Lee Jae-Myung, who is leading polls along with Mr. Yoon, once cancelled interviews with two media outlets after male supporters complained that the outlets were “too feminist.” Mr. Lee also took to a controversial online forum popular among men’s rights activists to plead for their support, although he also hailed feminism as an effort to make the world a better place.

As all these events unfolded, many women in the country watched with dread and disbelief, wondering if the progress they’d fought so hard for would be rolled back, and their newfound voices silenced.

“This presidential race is an election where women have been erased,” said Jang Hye-Yeong, a member of the minority left-wing Justice Party once attacked by Mr. Lee for condemning intimate partner abuse. “Attempts to deny and reverse the recent progress in women’s rights, made by efforts by countless citizens against all odds in recent years, are stronger than ever before,” she said on social media.

Other women are also speaking out. A group of young women took to the streets in Seoul last month to condemn the populist politics powered by anti-feminism, as they put it. Meanwhile, the organizers of the protest, a group known as Shout-Out, said in a statement: “a country that erases a half of its population and forces them into silence ... has no future.”

“Listen to the voices of women!” they shouted in unison. Some of them hid their faces, on top of the mandatory facial masks, with dark sunglasses and hats owing to fears of bullying if identified.

Across the street, another group of rival protestors loudly heckled and shouted at the women, “stop misandry!”, led by a notorious men’s rights activist known for harassing participants of feminist rallies. In one, Bae In-Kyu, the leader of the Man on Solidarity anti-feminist group, had showed up dressed as the Joker from the Batman movies and followed around participants while waving a toy water gun at them, pretending to “kill flies.”

The marriage of right-wing politics and anti-feminism is a familiar story worldwide, from Spain to the U.S., with feminist movements often marked by a step forward followed by two steps back, a modicum of progress followed by years of backlash. But the ferocity of the animosity against feminism – and the toxic political climate it created – has left many in South Korea stunned.

They may be stunned, but they are not immobilized. Choi Young-Mi, a famed poet and a sexual harassment survivor, once called the #MeToo movement “a fight between the past and the future.” The Justice Party’s Ms. Jang echoed those sentiments recently when she said, “We should stand against the politics that are trying to turn the world back to the days before #MeToo.” Regardless of the election results, a large number of women in South Korea are not willing to revert to a past patriarchal ideal of uncomplaining and unquestioning women the men’s rights activists would prefer.
 

Petr

Administrator

How feminism became a hot topic in South Korea's presidential election


By Yoonjung Seo and Julia Hollingsworth, CNN

Updated 0358 GMT (1158 HKT) March 9, 2022

A furious crowd gathered in central Seoul last month to protest against the policies of a man who isn't even in power.

Waving signs and wearing white sashes emblazoned with the words "Vote for Women," they accused presidential candidate Yoon Suk Yeol of attempting to appeal to anti-feminists to garner support ahead of the election.

"You don't deserve to be a presidential candidate, Yoon," the mainly female crowd chanted. "Go away."

The protest highlighted how heated South Korea's gender war has become ahead of the country's March 9 presidential vote, with both leading candidates wading into the issue to win over young voters who are increasingly split along gender lines.

Facing a hypercompetitive job market and skyrocketing housing prices, anti-feminists claim the country's bid to address gender inequality has tipped too far in women's favor. Feminists, meanwhile, point to the country's widespread sexual violence, entrenched gender expectations, and low female representation in boardrooms and in politics as examples of how discrimination against women is still rife.

Feminist protesters at a demonstration on February 27, 2022, in central Seoul.


Feminist protesters at a demonstration on February 27, 2022, in central Seoul.


Surveys show a growing proportion of young men are opposed to feminism -- and conservative candidate and political novice Yoon is attempting to win their support. He's promising to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, which he claims is unfair to men, and raise the penalty for falsely reporting sex crimes. CNN approached Yoon's office for comment on his gender policies but did not receive a response.

Meanwhile, liberal candidate Lee Jae-myung of the incumbent Democratic Party has tried to strike a more balanced tone. He says discrimination against men is wrong -- an apparent nod to the views of anti-feminist men -- but has also promised to close the gender wage gap.


He says he'll keep the gender ministry -- but change its Korean name so that it no longer includes the word "women." But in the last few days of the election, he appears to have accepted that he won't win the young male votes and is proactively courting online feminist communities.

In a statement to CNN, Lee's office said he had created "many gender-related policies" for women and men, including a quota system for women to hold at least 30% for high-ranking public roles, benefits for new mothers and expanded support for paternity leave.

The heated election campaign has left women feeling as if the real issues facing them are being used for political point-scoring. And some worry that if Yoon wins the March 9 election, divisions between genders could widen even further.

The rise of anti-feminists

Since the brutal 2016 murder in Seoul's trendy Gangnam neighborhood of a young woman targeted for her gender, South Korea has faced a reckoning over its attitudes toward women.

Activists pushed to address sexual harassment and widespread discrimination and found an ally in outgoing President Moon Jae-In, who vowed to "become a feminist president" before he was elected in 2017.

But in the years since, some men say the needle has moved too far. Anti-feminists point to statistics showing women are now going to university at a higher rate than men and say that compulsory military service for men gives women an advantage in the jobs market. Some place South Korea's demographic crisis, caused by slipping birth rates, squarely at the feet of feminists.


While in other countries, anti-feminists might be discounted by politicians, in South Korea, these men have made themselves a powerful voter bloc.

Last April, Moon's Democratic Party lost mayoral elections in both Seoul and its second largest city Busan, with exit polls showing young men in their 20s had overwhelmingly shifted their vote to the conservative People Power Party.

And in May the Korean marketing and research firm Hankook Research said a survey of 3,000 adults found that more than 77% of men in their 20s and more than 73% of men in their 30s were "repulsed by feminists or feminism."


"There is a sense of exclusion among men," said the 36-year-old writer Park Se-hwan, who identifies as anti-feminist. "It's now time for us to discuss men in South Korea who in comparison have been largely ignored." Park says he agrees with gender equality but says this feeling of neglect has garnered "a general objection to feminism" among young men.

According to Youngmi Kim, a senior lecturer in Korean Studies at the University of Edinburgh, social polarization and a lack of employment opportunities for young people has led to men in their 20s and 30s becoming more conservative.

Or, as Yun Ji-yeong, an associate professor in philosophy at Changwon National University, puts it: "Many people are realizing that the (country's) scarce resources are being distributed very unequally."

"When they're looking for the cause, they point the finger at the women who are in front of them."


The struggle facing feminists


To women, the fraught debate over gender isn't just leaving them feeling like a political punching bag -- they say it's also plastering over the real issues they're facing.

Just 15.6% of senior and managerial positions are held by women -- significantly less than the US's 42%. Less than 20% of legislators are women, again well below most OECD countries. Digital sex crimes are so pervasive that they affects the quality of life for women and girls, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), and women continue to face sexism and pressure to meet unrealistic beauty standards

Yang Ji-hye, a youth rights activist, says many of the anti-feminist movement's claims are not supported by statistics -- and she thinks the way gender is being talked about in the election is "absurd."

"I'm sick of these anti-feminist politics -- it makes me overwhelmed just to say how much women are being discriminated against, when at the same time they say there is reverse discrimination (against men)," she said.

Writer Park Won-ik says people with extreme views on both sides are engaged in a "cultural war." He says it's difficult for others to express their opinions without being threatened. "There's no effort of keeping certain rules as good citizens or as civilized people, whether you're feminists or not," he said.

According to the University of Edinburgh's Kim, Korea still has a "long journey ahead" in terms of gender equality.

Kim Ju-hee, who was at the protests, has felt discriminated against for her gender -- she's been told her looks were part of her job of being a nurse, and at home her female relatives are still expected eat at a small table at the back of the house after ancestral rituals. She also feels frustrated about the way feminism has been used in the election.

"In this election, feminism is not viewed as an issue, but rather a token," said Kim, 27. "I was very angry that it was used as if it was going to get discarded afterward."

Yun, from Changwon National University, says if Yoon becomes president she expects feminists to face an even greater challenge for equality.

"Since the abolition of the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family is one of the most important promises, I think that it will probably be implemented as a tangible action first," Yun said.

"In that case, I have a concern that gender conflict and women's human rights may go further backward."
 

Petr

Administrator
Young angry males rebel against the Korean "Boomer Generation" that turned their country into a liberal democracy:



JUN 21 2022

Two divides redefine South Korea’s politics

Creating opportunities for women in different spheres to tackle gender inequality has invoked fear amongst young Korean men about losing opportunities in an already competitive society.

South Korea, politics, Economic, OECD, Gender issues, Moon Jae-In, social media, women, economy


“The more things change, the more they stay the same”; it isn’t often that the lyrics of an 80’s hit apply to politics, but South Korea’s citizens might be inclined to look at the state of national politics and agree.

On the one hand, Korean politics has increasingly been defined by change. Two major national divides, based on gender and age respectively, have recast national life and politics.

South Korea’s struggles with gender equality, which is worryingly common across East Asian societies, have emerged as a key political fault line. Despite steady increases in female participation in the workforce and impressive higher education enrolment rates, Korea’s gender pay gap, which stands at 31 percent, is the highest amongst the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) nations. Few women have the chance to breach the sanctum sanctorum that is Korea’s business and civil service elite. Gender issues were thrust into the national spotlight in the aftermath of the widespread social reckoning sparked by Korea’s #MeToo movement. Senior politicians, including Seoul’s longest-serving mayor, and celebrities alike, were accused and in some cases, convicted of sexual-assault-related crimes. Former President Moon Jae-In introduced a raft of social policies that aimed to combat structural discrimination against women. The government has encouraged fathers to take paternity leaves, has expanded the number of publicly funded childcare centres, and has backed the expansion of re-employment centres for women.

However, these measures have run into determined opposition from a key constituency: Korea’s young men. They have a litany of concerns that centre around the fears of losing ground in a fiercely competitive Korean society. Young students face high levels of pressure, to both succeed academically at high school and university and to secure one of a dwindling number of secure, well-paying jobs. As youth unemployment scales new highs in South Korea, young men have seen their traditionally dominant position in Korean society come under attack as more women have entered the workforce and female-led social movements such as the #MeToo movement have gained more traction. This has precipitated an unprecedented political backlash as Korea’s angry young men have started to criticise everything from mandatory military service to affirmative action measures to bring women into the workforce.

President Moon’s administration also launched a five-year economic policy that aimed to promote gender-inclusive growth. However, in an era of rampant inequality and economic insecurity, men see policies aimed at bringing more women into the workplace as a form of “reverse discrimination”. Extraordinarily, both Korean women and men feel discriminated against. 84 percent of men in their 20s and 83 percent in their 30s felt discriminated against whilst 74 percent of South Korean women felt they faced discrimination. This social discontent has spilt over to social media where online vitriol against feminism has become commonplace.

This discontent has become a potent weapon for political mobilisation. This was made abundantly clear when the liberal administration of President Moon Jae-In, which once enjoyed broad support amongst young men, saw its support in that key demographic crater. While Moon’s inability to combat South Korea’s housing and youth unemployment crisis has been a key factor in the erosion of his public standing, his perceived proximity to feminism has been politically damaging. Sensing an opportunity, Korea’s conservatives have loudly taken up the cause of the nation’s disgruntled males. The elevation of a 36-year-old firebrand, Lee Jun-Seok, to the leadership of the Korean conservatives has led to a vitriolic mobilisation of young men against feminism. South Korea’s newly elected President, Yoon Seok Yeol, rode a wave of support from men aged below 30 and above 60 to narrowly beat out his liberal rival Lee Jae-Myung, who courted and received the support of young women. Even as the dust settled and the shock of defeat wore off, Korea’s liberals aped their conservative counterparts and elevated Park Ji-Hyun, a 26-year -old women’s rights activist, to co-chair their party’s steering committee.

These two politicians, Lee Jun-Seok and Park Ji-Hyun, exemplify South Korea’s divides. While Park shot to fame when she exposed the existence of an online sex crime ring as a student journalist and women’s rights advocate, Lee Jun-Seok has made his name leading the movement that opposes the push toward what young men see as “reverse-sexism”. In a country where one’s alma mater determines social status, connections, and professional success, Park is a graduate of a mid-tier Korean university, while Lee graduated from Harvard University.

Despite these differences, their rise to prominence captures a common theme: The impatience of Korea’s youth with the views and ways of life of an older generation of Koreans. A central focus of young Korea’s ire has been the “586 Generation”—they are in their 50s, went to university in the 80s and were born in the 60s. The 586 Generation were at the forefront of the student protest movement in the 1980s that played a key role in bringing about democratisation in South Korea. Afterwards, they moved into key positions in industry and politics as the Korean economy experienced rapid growth. However, the entrenched power and prosperity of the 586 Generation have been a source of tension. Young South Koreans, who struggle to find jobs and buy homes as easily as their predecessors did, have pushed to expand their own space relative to the pervasive influence of the 586 Generation. Park Ji Hyun, in particular, came out decisively in favour of retiring older politicians amongst Korea’s liberals in an effort to appeal to younger voters. Park claimed that the 586 Generation’s mission—bringing democracy to Korea—had been achieved, and it was time, she seemed to be saying, to show them the door.

Even as these battles for reform rage on, little seems to have changed. South Korea’s gender pay gap declined only modestly from 68.5 percent in 2017 to 62 percent in 2021. President Yoon Seok-Yeol has taken positions that largely appeal to his base amongst young male voters. He has called for the abolition of the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family on the grounds that the Ministry has treated men like “potential sex criminals”. His fracas with the ministry notwithstanding, Yoon has also vowed to crack down harder on false sexual assault claims amidst concerns that such a move may discourage women from coming forward. Similarly, Park Ji Hyun’s efforts to make Korea’s liberal party younger and more in touch have been mugged by reality. Despite pledging support for Park’s plans, many older legislators have continued to run for office and consolidate their power within the party. After the liberals suffered a defeat in a series of local elections in June, Park Ji Hyun stepped down from her leadership position with her goals yet unfulfilled.

For now, South Korea’s efforts to stem gender imbalances and its demographic divide are going nowhere fast. As these battles continue, they almost seem to echo Bon Jovi’s words: “The more things change, the more they stay the same”.
 

Rawhide "Doug" Kobayashi

Сила бога-нам подмога
The backlash reached a fever pitch last year when men’s rights activists waged a war against the image of pinching fingers, often used to indicate something small, claiming it ridiculed the size of male genitalia. In a campaign many called a bizarre, McCarthyian witch-hunt, top companies and state institutions that used such images apologized for hurting the men’s feelings and removed the images from their promotional materials.

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