...Aware of the fact that re-election tends to embolden populist candidates with an authoritarian rhetoric, countless Brazilian opposition figures put their egos aside over the past months and joined a remarkably broad coalition led by Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (”Lula”), including far-left politicians like Guilherme Boulos, environmentalists like Marina Silva, former bankers and fiscal hawks like Henrique Meirelles and centrists like Aloysio Nunes. Most remarkably, it also included numerous politicians with a long bitter rivalry with Mr. da Silva’s Workers Party (PT).
This very broad tent has allowed the opposition to frame the election as a contest between democracy and autocracy, while also convincing many centrists that Mr. da Silva Lula will lead, if elected, a centrist government meant to overcome the extreme polarization that shaped the past four years. Rather than facing a fractured and ill-co-ordinated opposition, Mr. Bolsonaro was left largely isolated and has struggled to reach out to centrist voters, which explains why he ultimately lost his re-election bid.
Lula’s victory had a peculiarity: he won many votes in some of Brazil’s most populated municipalities but also in most of the sparsely populated areas. In the latter, he reached more than 80% of the vote. It was at these two ends that he made the difference.
Bolsonaro, instead, did very well in medium-size cities, as shown by the concentration of blue bubbles in the graph below in districts with between 100,000 and 1 million inhabitants.
In Brazil, where Lula Da Silva narrowly defeated Jair Bolsonaro in the recent presidential election, the youth is shifting right on a host of issues. According to polling conducted in 2016, 54 percent of Brazilians held a high number of conservative opinions, up from 49 percent in 2010. Another poll from 2018 showed that support for the death penalty stood at 58 percent, ten percent higher than 2008. And the age cohort most in favour of capital punishment? Millennials. It’s unsurprising, then, that Bolsonaro appears to have dominated among that very same age cohort in last week’s second round of voting. And while Lula appears to have edged it among those aged 18-24, 44 percent of Gen Z plumping for someone who defends a historic military dictatorship is hardly congruent with ‘Zoomer socialism’.