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Erdoğan is in the lead in Turkey’s elections – and democracy is likely to be the loser


Constanze Letsch

The opposition had to face down a hostile media and the president’s entrenched power. This disappointment could further skew the second round

Mon 15 May 2023 13.15 BST


It was a tense and confusing night after election polls closed in Turkey yesterday. The official result is still unclear, but a runoff between the president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and his main challenger, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, looks increasingly likely. Neither seem to have reached the necessary 50% threshold to win the election outright, but Erdoğan is clearly in the lead. In a press conference in the early morning hours, Kılıçdaroğlu said he that he was confident that he would win the runoff. However, enthusiasm, both onstage and among his supporters, was muted. These were not the faces of winners.

While many thought that the opposition’s campaign, centred around political reform, unity and an end to the toxic polarisation in the country, was a breath of fresh air; others have criticised Kılıçdaroğlu’s approach for targeting mostly those who already agreed with his views, for his blue-sky attitude and focus on positive soundbites on social media.

In their 21 years in power, Erdoğan and the AKP have amassed incredible powers and resources, bending the mainstream media, the judiciary and state institutions to their will and their message. The opposition was always fighting an uphill battle.

Its election campaign was run amid a ruthless and increasing crackdown on civil society and freedom of speech in Turkey. Human rights groups have been criminalised and sidelined over the past years. Journalists have been jailed for their reporting. NGOs were shut down. Civil society leaders have been put on trial on bogus terrorism charges. Government-appointed trustees replaced democratically elected local politicians in the predominantly Kurdish south-east. Women’s rights were put on the auction block for the sake of wooing ultraconservative parties and voters. Hate speech and violence against the LGBTQ+ community have soared.

It would be cynical to argue that Kılıçdaroğlu’s election promise to return Turkey to democracy and the rule of law, with a seat at the table for everyone who wants to make their voice heard, was simply not attractive enough and too soft. It certainly is what millions of people in Turkey desperately wanted, and still want.

This hope was reflected in the energy and courage of civil society in the runup to yesterday’s polls. The elections mobilised tens of thousands of volunteers who campaigned for Kılıçdaroğlu and other opposition parties, who rallied to get out the vote, who monitored voting, protected ballot boxes and reported inconsistencies. Civil society groups organised transportation for the people displaced from the regions affected by the devastating February earthquakes back to cities where they were still registered to vote. People there opened their homes to accommodate them. Video editors helped desperate youngsters whose parents requested filmed proof of them casting their vote in favour of Erdoğan. Voter turnout stood at a very high 88.8%, according to Turkey’s supreme election council (YSK).

Despite this, the results so far point to a loss for Kılıçdaroğlu and his alliance. It is very difficult to say exactly why the votes went this way – we will likely understand more in days to come, not just on why Kılıçdaroğlu performed worse than expected but why Erdoğan was able to perform so well above expectations. But what is clear is that Erdoğan now has the advantage for the probable runoff elections on 28 May. His rightwing, ultraconservative alliance has secured a majority in parliament, and voters may shy away from electing a president that will not have the necessary legislative backing. Disappointment and disillusionment on the opposition side may eat into the second Kılıçdaroğlu vote.

But those that risk losing even more than they already have are civil society groups, human rights defenders, the Kurds, women and the LGBTQ+ community. It stands to reason that the crackdown on human and cultural rights will intensify if Erdoğan remains president at the helm of an alliance that has already forced Turkey’s exit from the Istanbul convention, the international contract that aims to protect women against gender-based violence and discrimination, with the argument that such a contract “violated Turkey’s family values”. Kingmaker Sinan Oğan – the far-right presidential candidate who has garnered a little more than 5% of the vote – ran on a ticket of anti-Kurdish and anti-immigration sentiment that will heavily shape the coming two weeks and the discourse of both presidential candidates.

Thousands of people who have tweeted criticism of Erdoğan and his government in the runup to the elections may find themselves the target of criminal prosecution on charges of having “insulted the president”. More journalists may end up behind bars. Kurdish politicians and human rights defenders jailed on bogus terrorism and conspiracy charges will remain in prison. The already very small space left to civil society will shrink even further.

These elections have been framed as a dispute over the future of Turkey, a contest between democracy and autocracy. For those defending rights and justice for everyone in the country, this battle may just have entered its last round.

  • Constanze Letsch is a former Turkey correspondent for the Guardian and has recently finished a PhD on urban renewal in Istanbul
 

Petr

Administrator


On Sunday night, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan appeared on the terrace of the headquarters of his ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, in Ankara to give his customary “balcony speech.” Just like in every Turkish election in the past two decades, his supporters were exuberant, while dissidents were anxious.
Sure, the presidential election was not over yet. There will be a second round on May 28. But it is likely that Erdogan, more than four points ahead of his main rival, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, will win. His ruling coalition already secured a parliamentary majority.
In other words, after 20 years in power, Erdogan might get five more years to rule, if not more — surpassing, by far, any other Turkish leader since the late 19th-century Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II.
Should he win, the next five years don’t look promising. After all, Erdogan has already turned Turkey into a quasi-single-party state, and worse might be in store. He may eradicate whatever is left of the independent judiciary, free press and critical academia. He has also promised a whole new constitution, which could realize many of the dreams of the religious right. Suggestions by pro-Erdogan partisans include abolishing the constitutional court, putting even more religion into public education, curbing women’s rights and banning “heretical” (liberal) interpretations of Islam.

But how does Erdogan keep winning, especially at a time many thought his support would collapse in the face of rampant inflation and an inept response to the recent earthquake?
The answer is not that he “steals” the vote. Turkey, despite its dramatic decline in free speech and rule of law, has a transparent electoral system, in which Erdogan really wins the ballots.
The real answer is that Erdogan has formed an unbreakable bond with Turkey’s largest sociopolitical bloc: religious conservatives. He also enchants them with a grand narrative: despite nefarious enemies and heinous conspiracies, he is making Turkey great and Muslim again.
The storyline, pumped by a huge propaganda machine that constitutes much of the media, goes like this: Once, as rulers of the Ottoman Empire, Turks were the masters of the world. But due to European plots and “traitors” within, they were brought to their knees. Worse, oppressive secularists dominated Turkey from the 1920s to 2000s, humiliating the pious by closing their mosques or banning their headscarves. It is only Erdogan who ended this long age of disgrace.
That is all why, the story goes, “they” are constantly attacking Erdogan. This “they” is a rich mix, containing opposition parties, liberal critics, Western media, capitalist cabals, George Soros, “the American deep state,” European courts, Kurdish terrorists, LGBTQ activists or defectors within the religious camp. These “enemies of Turkey” are trying to force the glorious nation, and its leader, to fall. Against them, the pro-Erdogan folks cry, “yedirtmeyiz!” — a slogan that roughly means, “we will not allow you get him!”
The euphoria is kept alive with constant fanfare. Few people in the West noticed, but Erdogan’s campaign for this election featured the announcement of two new war machines: Turkey’s first-ever drone aircraft carrier, the TCG Anadolu, and its new “national combat aircraft,” the Kaan. Both were launched at public ceremonies with huge crowds, and genuine enthusiasm with newfound greatness. Around that time, Erdogan updated his Twitter profile to feature a photo of him in resolute pose wearing a jet pilot uniform. Two weeks later, he crowned his campaign with evening prayers in the majestic Hagia Sophia, which he had converted back to a mosque three summers ago.
Meanwhile, from the kitchen of his modest Ankara apartment, opposition candidate Kilicdaroglu was criticizing the rising prices of onions in Turkish markets. The pro-Erdogan propaganda machine lashed back: “This is about independence, not onions!”
In 1992, Bill Clinton won his election on the back of the scathing slogan “It’s the economy, stupid.” This time around in Turkey, it was all about culture war and religious nationalism.
 

Petr

Administrator

LÓPEZ ALIAGA PLANS TO TAKE CONTROL OF EDUCATION IN LIMA

Apr 22, 2023
The ultra-right parties in Peru have made no secret of their ambition to craft educational policy to eradicate such ‘woke’ concerns as the equality of gender teaching. But this quest took a major step forward this week when Education Minister Oscar Becerra offered Lima Mayor Rafael López Aliaga the chance to run educational services in the capital.
López Aliaga, the founder of Renovación Popular who won the mayoral elections in Lima last year, is a prominent opponent of what rightwingers call “gender ideology”. He is a leading member of Opus Dei, the right-wing Catholic organisation.
In Metropolitan Lima there are some 15,000 state schools, 124,000 teachers and 2 million pupils.
Critics of the move have been swift to say that running the school system should not give the municipal authorities control over the nature of the school curriculum. In theory, at least, this should remain a function of the education ministry.
In praise of Becerra, López Aliaga is quoted as saying “If we found the municipality of Lima broken (quebrada) and [we] are sorting it out just in time, this may help sort out education [something] that has gone undone for so many years”.
Becerra has become a target for widespread criticism, not least for his racist-sounding comments about Aymaran women doing battle with the police with their children on their backs. Becerra is quoted as saying that even animals do not take their children into battle. He has also made highly critical remarks about the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. He is a strong defender of the death penalty.
Earlier in the week, López Aliaga made a further splash when he announced that he had asked the Ministry of Defence to arm the members of the serenazgo (the municipal police) in the capital and to place them in street patrols along with troops from the armed forces. On 30 March, the plenary in Congress approved a bill that adapts the law governing the serenazgo for them to carry non-lethal arms, supposedly to safeguard public order and combat delinquency.
 

Petr

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29 MAY, 17:31​

West accepted Erdogan’s victory as color revolution had no chance in Turkey — analyst


MOSCOW, May 29. /TASS/. Western countries had to accept Erdogan's victory in Turkish presidential elections because a color revolution would not have been successful, Dmitry Suslov, a deputy director of the Comprehensive European and International Studies at the Higher School of Economics, said on Monday.​
The analyst said Erdogan’s victory in the elections was "very unpleasant" for Western countries, but if the West had tried to carry out a color revolution in Turkey, it would most likely have lost. Any protests "would have sharply antagonized Turkey's relations with the West, worsening them," Suslov told TASS in an interview.​
"The West simply came to the rational conclusion that it is better to accept it for today," he said. "While Erdogan is currently an inconvenient, unpleasant, and self-willed partner for the West, in the event of an attempted and failed color revolution, the West would have received a very serious enemy in Erdogan. This is certainly not in the interests of the West in the context of its confrontation with Russia."​

Slim chance

The analyst said the US-led West prefers to arrange color revolutions when there are high chances of success. There were practically no such chances in Turkey, he said.
"If the opposition, with or without Western support, had tried to start protests, it would most likely have discredited and weakened the opposition itself and led to much worse results. And the West would have undermined its positions in relation to Turkey even more than it is now," the analyst said.​
The analyst named several reasons why a coup in Turkey was untenable.​
"First, the elections were fair. The fairness and competitiveness of the contest during both the first and second rounds were not questioned by anyone, including Western observers and journalists," the analyst said.​
Also, according to Suslov, Erdogan has subjugated the country’s security agencies. The success of color revolutions is possible only "if the security agencies and the army, side with the protesters, or at least remain passive and wait," which would clearly not have happened, Suslov said.​
The third condition for a revolution scenario, according to the analyst, is the presence of a passionate minority and a silent majority.
"In this case, Turkey didn’t have that. The majority that supports Erdogan and the ruling Justice and Development Party is not silent at all. It is no less passionate than the supporters of [opposition leader Kemal] Kilicdaroglu," Suslov explained. "Therefore, usurping power by portraying the opposition as the only force representing people's interests would not have worked."​
 

Petr

Administrator

EU-Tunisia migration proposal ignores human rights concerns

Jennifer Holleis | Tarak Guizani
06/14/2023June 14, 2023​
A proposed migration deal with Tunisia could help the North African nation avert economic collapse, but observers fear worsening conditions for migrants and future returnees.


The future of European-Tunisian relations will likely be determined within the next two weeks. Within that time — ahead of the European Union (EU) summit at the end of June — Tunisian President Kais Saied will have to decide whether to accept a "Partnership Programme" proposed by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.
Earlier this week, von der Leyen proposed a €900 million ($971 million) economic aid package for Tunisia as well as another €150 million in immediate budget assistance and a further €105 million for border management and anti-smuggling activities.
The last part of the offer, in particular, highlights Tunisia's potential role as a gatekeeper of migration from North Africa to Europe.
"The proposed EU-package would stabilize the Tunisian economy," Hamza Meddeb, a Tunis-based research fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center think tank, told DW.
"But the deal would come at the price of Tunisia's full cooperation on the issue of migration as well as a re-admission of [asylum-rejected] Tunisian and Sub-Saharan migrants," Meddeb added.

The proposal comes just days after draft European migration reforms that seek to allow Italy to deport asylum-seekers and migrants to countries like Tunisia.

Deadly human trafficking

With Italy's coasts only 150 kilometers (90 miles) away, Tunisia has become a major hub for migrants en route to Europe.
According to Italy's Ministry of the Interior, some 53,800 migrants have already reached its shores from Tunisia in 2023 — twice as many as during the whole of 2022. Many of those people arrived with the help of traffickers who put profit over safety.
According to the International Organization for Migration's (IOM) Missing Migrants Project, around 1,000 people died or went missing in the first four months of 2023, compared to 690 over the same period last year.
"We both [the EU and Tunisia] have a vast interest in breaking the cynical business model of smugglers and traffickers," von der Leyen said in Tunis on Monday.
"The intention to address these huge moneymaking mafia networks in a concerted effort is the most important announcement in my eyes," Heike Löschmann, director of the Tunis office of Germany's Heinrich Böll Foundation, told DW.
"I hope they are honestly committed, but I am afraid it costs much more to effectively fight people being traded, enslaved and smuggled... and such an effort needs to address countries of origin and mafias in Europe, too," she added.
Mohamed Hamed, a Sudanese refugee waiting for an EU visa, doubts the proposed deal will improve the situation. "It is unfortunate that whatever the agreement between Tunisia and the European Union may be, the biggest losers will still be migrants and refugees," he told DW in Tunis.
Tunisian President Kais Saied talks to Sub-Saharan migrants in the port city of Sfax
Tunisian President Kais Saied travelled to the port city of Sfax where thousands of Sub-Saharans wait for a journey to Europe. Image: Tunisian Presidency/ZUMA/picture alliance

Economic pressure

The Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDES), a human rights NGO, said the details of the proposal are anything but new.
"The European delegation presented a proposal it previously submitted in 2014," FTDES spokesperson Romdhane Ben Omar told DW. "Tunisia rejected it at that time, but now it is restored, and it again aims to trade halting irregular immigration for money and aid to Tunisia," he added.
However, Saied's willingness to engage now is likely greater than in 2014, when Tunisia was widely viewed as a democratic success following the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011.
Today, Tunisia's economy is rapidly deteriorating, so much so that US ratings agency Fitch downgraded Tunis' credit rating to "junk" status last Friday. That means Tunis faces the real risk of defaulting on its loans, possibly triggering the collapse of state finances.
Acceptance of the proposal could be an economic game changer, but in order to get the EU deal — and the cash it would bring — Saied must first overcome another obstacle.
The EU proposal is tied to a €1.7 billion loan agreement between Tunisia and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
That deal has been stalled for months after being rejected by the influential Tunisian General Labor Union as well as Saied himself, who has renewed his calls for a revision of "diktats" he considers unfit "to benefit the population."

Sub-Saharan migrants remain unwelcome

Meanwhile, as the NGO Human Rights Watch (HRW) sees it, the proposed migration deal remains far from acceptable.
"It is highly problematic that the EU is seeking to curb irregular departures from Tunisia," Lauren Seibert, a researcher at HRW's refugee and migrant rights division, told DW.
"Everyone has the right to leave any country, including their own, and everyone has the right to seek asylum. And seeking to prevent people from leaving violates that right."
Seibert said the "EU has already been spending millions of euros" for years. "Supporting — as they call it — 'migration management,' which is essentially migration control and border control in Tunisia."
She now fears money from the proposed migration deal would "reinforce Tunisian security forces, including police and the national guard at sea," both of which she notes, "have committed serious abuses against migrants and asylum-seekers."
 

Gawn Chippin

Arachnocronymic Metaphoron
Lula's true face since inaugeration:


A somehow self-contradictory statement:

...As soon as he entered office in January, President Lula da Silva made good on his campaign vow to reverse the worsening environmental destruction that had
happened during previous President Jair Bolsonaro’s regime...

Just one of several acts of environmental negligence having taken place under Lula's watch:

...Once there however, the country denied its entry and subsequent dismantling due to environmental worries and towed it back to Brazil...

 

Petr

Administrator



True to his populist form, Bukele depicted the announcement as a blow to financier and philanthropist George Soros.

“The Soros media say that Salvadorans can’t decide for themselves,” Bukele wrote on Twitter, his favorite medium. “But the greatest party in history spoke today, and on February 4th, 2024, the Salvadoran people will have the last word.”
 
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Gawn Chippin

Arachnocronymic Metaphoron
There are obviously less El Salvadorans left to murder. Both the remaining as well as their potential murderers have taken flight northwards
 
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