Hindu Nationalists March Forward

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BJP claims election victory in four states including Uttar Pradesh

Win secures status of chief minister Yogi Adityanath, a Hindu monk known for his hardline views

Yogi Adityanath puts hands together, smiling


Yogi Adityanath (centre), chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, gestures to supporters in Lucknow on 10 March. Photograph: Sanjay Kanojia/AFP/Getty

Hannah Ellis-Petersen in Delhi

Thu 10 Mar 2022 15.05 GMT


India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata party has claimed victory in four significant state elections, in a sign of the power of Hindu nationalist politics across the country.

The BJP defied historical precedent and retained power in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous and politically significant state with more than 180 million voters. Early results on Thursday showed the party had won at least 266 out of 403 seats, giving it a clear majority.

It was the first win for an incumbent party in the state in more than three decades, and ensures the chief minister, Yogi Adityanath, a Hindu monk known for his hardline views, will be the first in the state’s history to remain in power for a second consecutive term.


It secures Adityanath’s status as one of the most powerful figures in the BJP and a potential successor to the prime minister, Narendra Modi, as well as offering a ringing endorsement for the hardline Hindu nationalist agenda that Adityanath has enacted over the past five years.

During his time as chief minister, Adityanath, who dresses in saffron robes and led his own “Hindu army”, often used communal rhetoric seen as targeting Muslims. He banned the slaughter of cows, an animal that is holy to Hindus, and brought in an anti-conversion law to counter “love jihad”, a disproven conspiracy theory that Muslims are forcing Hindu women into marriage in order to convert them to Islam. Journalists and activists were also routinely harassed and charged, and the Uttar Pradesh police have been accused of routinely murdering Muslims and Dalits under Adityanath’s watch.

Utter Pradesh was one of the states hit hardest by the brutal second wave of Covid-19 that engulfed India, with corpses filling up the Ganges River as hospitals and burial grounds become overwhelmed, and the state has one of the highest unemployment rates in India.

But Adityanath’s win has been credited to his development agenda and perceived crackdown on crime, as well as the popularity of Hindu nationalist politics, which is shifting the country away from its secular roots.


Holding on to the bellwether state was seen as essential for the BJP as it built up to the national elections in 2024. Early results showed the party, which has ruled India’s central government since 2014, also held on to power in the states of Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur.

In the Uttar Pradesh capital, Lucknow, BJP workers rode bulldozers to the party offices in celebration of their win. In a victory speech, Adityanath told the crowds: “Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, today the BJP won a majority in Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur. The voters have blessed Modi’s policies of development and good governance.”

The assembly results have been portrayed as a final nail in the coffin for India’s once formidable National Congress party, the country’s oldest political party and main national opposition for the BJP. On Thursday, it became evident that Congress had lost seats in Goa and Manipur and failed to win back its former stronghold of Punjab, one of the few states where it had still held power. In Uttar Pradesh, it won just a single seat.

“The revolution marches on” was the headline on an editorial in the Indian express newspaper, which called the results “sobering” and added: “It sends a plain and simple message … the BJP simply has no competition.”

Instead, in a victory that could be transformative for India’s future political landscape, it was the relatively new Aam Admi party (AAP), which is in power in Delhi but previously had limited presence outside the capital, that claimed a landslide win in Punjab, where the comedian turned politician Bhagwant Mann will become chief minister.

The Punjab win could set AAP up as a national contender in the 2024 elections, as various regional parties jostle to fill the opposition vacuum left by a weakened Congress.

Congress leaders issued sombre statements following the results. “This is a challenging moment for the Congress party and Punjab most certainly has been a disappointment,” said a party spokesperson, Aadil Singh Boparai.

Rahul Gandhi, the de facto Congress leader, said in a tweet that the party “humbly accept people’s verdict. We’ll learn from this.”

The former government minister Ashwani Kumar, who recently quit the Congress party, described it as a moment of reckoning. “One thing is clear,” he said. “The Gandhi leadership no longer delivers for the Congress.”
 

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‘Hindutva pop’: The singers producing anti-Muslim music in India

Behind the rising Islamophobia in India lies a network of Hindu right-wing artists composing songs played during hate campaigns.

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Dressed in saffron attire, singer Prem Krishnavanshi poses for a picture at his village in Uttar Pradesh state [Courtesy: Prem Krishnavanshi]

By Quratulain Rehbar

Published On 2 Jun 20222 Jun 2022

New Delhi, India – “Insaan nahi ho saalo, ho tum kasaayi; Bahut ho chuka Hindu-Muslim bhai bhai” – You are not human, you are butchers; it’s enough of Hindu-Muslim brotherhood.

These are the lyrics of a ‘bhajan’ (devotional song) that singer Prem Krishnavanshi posted on YouTube three years ago and has been viewed thousands of times since.

Triggered by contemporary hate politics, Krishnavanshi’s song is a part of a new mass culture in India where anti-Muslim songs are played in rallies by Hindu supremacist groups, mainly in what is called the country’s “Hindi belt” northern states.

Dozens of such music videos can be found on YouTube and other social media platforms, with the supporters of the Hindu far-right loving and sharing them for their messages of hate, abuse and even threats of genocide targeted at the Muslim minority.

Krishnavanshi, an engineering graduate from Lucknow, capital of Uttar Pradesh state, wanted to be a Bollywood singer. But it was too competitive. So he turned to live shows and events to make a living.

The turning point came in 2014 when the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power. The arrival of a new government headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi saw an unprecedented polarisation of Indian society, with hate attacks on India’s minorities, mainly Muslims, becoming a near-daily affair since.

In such a scenario, cultural products such as music, poetry and cinema also became the tools by which this politics of hatred is sustained.

In the past few months, India witnessed religious violence in several states during Hindu festivals when right-wing groups held marches in mainly Muslim neighbourhoods and played loud music laced with Islamophobic lyrics outside mosques.

Krishnavanshi sings in Hindi and Bhojpuri languages. His fan base is mainly in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state with nearly 205 million residents, governed by the BJP’s saffron-robed Hindu monk, Yogi Adityanath, who is known for his anti-Muslim rhetoric and policies.

In many of his songs, Krishnavanshi suggests Muslims are “anti-nationals who should go to Pakistan”. One of his songs says: “Muslims will eventually force Hindus to pray namaz if they don’t wake up soon”.

But the singer claims they are not hate songs.

“I don’t think my music is Islamophobic. My music signifies truth and if someone thinks it’s Islamophobic, I can’t stop them from feeling that way,” he told Al Jazeera.

Recently, the Uttar Pradesh government gave him an award for his song praising the state’s hardline chief minister, Adityanath.

Prem Krishnavanshi


Prem Krishnavanshi receiving an Uttar Pradesh state award during Adityanath’s oath-taking ceremony earlier this year, in Lucknow [Courtesy: Prem Krishnavanshi]

Many of these hate songs are also tributes to Hindu nationalist politicians such as Modi, Adityanath and other top BJP leaders.

The songs also talk about the Mughals and other Muslim rulers of the subcontinent, calling them “invaders” who spread Islam through violence and threats. Their music videos feature Hindu men sporting vermillion on their foreheads and brandishing swords, tridents and pistols.

‘Hindutva pop’​

Born in a middle-class family in Bhopal, the capital of central India’s Madhya Pradesh state, Laxmi Dubey grew up listening to Hindu devotional songs from her late grandfather who was a musician.

Back then, she said she used to sing songs of Muslim-Hindu brotherhood and religious coexistence in school events.

Dubey, 31, started her career as a part-time reporter in a local newspaper she did not want to name. But, like Krishnavanshi, things changed for her with Modi’s rise as prime minister in 2014.

“I don’t belong to any party, but I thank Modi for everything he has done for the Hindus,” Dubey told Al Jazeera.

When Dubey performs with vermillion on her forehead and a marigold garland around her neck, the listeners groove to her “Hindutva pop” songs. “Hindutva” is a Hindi word that refers to the Hindu supremacist movement.

One of Dubey’s more popular songs says: “Agar Hindustan mein rehna hoga, To vande mataram kehna hoga” (If you want to stay in India, praise the motherland).

“Vande Mataram”, a song written in Sanskritised Bengali by writer Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, is patronised by India’s Hindu right for its nationalist imagination that borrows heavily from the Hindu religious pantheon.

Brahma Prakash, a professor at New Delhi-based Jawaharlal Nehru University, told Al Jazeera the music of hate has changed the pattern of religious violence in India.

“We know the historical patterns of riots and massacres in India: the leader will give a speech and the riots will spill into the streets. But it seems that the pattern has changed. You don’t need a leader. What you need is a ‘Bhakti vibrator’,” said Prakash.

‘Bhakti’ in Hindi literally means devotion, but is also used to refer to the BJP’s supporters.

“You just play the DJ [disc jockey] and it will fulfil its task. It will move the mobs and make them participate in massacre. You don’t need an instigator to incite violence. You set the tone, you set the track and the hate will rock,” he said.

Prakash said this form of music has “shocking” parallels with those produced under the Nazi regime in Germany in the 1930s.

“March band, processional music, repetitious slogans, communal singing, repeated cries of Jai Shri Ram [Hail Lord Ram] like ‘Heil’,” he said. “Music stirring the crowds into an emotional frenzy are not just a few resonances. The similarities are shocking.”


Dubey’s YouTube channel has nearly 300,000 followers, and her songs have millions of views and hundreds of provocative comments against India’s Muslims. She is often invited by BJP members to perform in their cities.

But the singer says she “does not have anything against the Muslim community” but only against those “who are enemies of the country and support Pakistan”.

“Will someone from Pakistan just come and attack our country unless they are getting massive logistical support or shelter from anti-nationals of their religion? We have anti-nationals in countries who eat in India but support the neighbour,” she said.

In her team, Dubey has a manager, background singers and other people who help her perform. She earns handsomely and claims she spends all her money on the welfare of Hindu widows and the poor.

What troubles Dubey, she told Al Jazeera, is “love jihad” – an unproven conspiracy theory propagated by the Hindu far-right that alleges that Muslim men form relations with Hindu women in order to marry them and then convert them to Islam.

Dubey also believes in another right-wing conspiracy theory: that a large number of Muslims practice polygamy to have “a lot of children” and “increase their population”.

“Why would they [Muslims] marry Hindu girls and convert them? The minority communities are doing 5-10 marriages and have 20-50 children. Their population is growing heavily. If our country didn’t support them, would their population grow to this extent?” she said.

Uttar Pradesh-based lawyer Areeb Uddin says such “hateful songs amount to hate speech”.

“It is time that hate speech jurisprudence should take its place and it is time for the courts or the concerned legislative organs to frame guidelines for such cases where hatred is being poured and no action is being taken,” he told Al Jazeera.

But Dubey claims her songs “spread awareness” among the Hindu community – a work that “makes her proud”.

“The youth who used to wear hoodies and torn clothes now proudly wear saffron. They are ready to sacrifice themselves for Hinduism,” she said. “I want to bring Hindus together to create an army.”

Dubey lauds Modi for abrogating the semi-autonomous status of Indian-administered Kashmir in 2019. “We had almost lost Kashmir, it’s because of Prime Minister Narendra Modi that we still have it,” she said.

She also thinks the 1947 partition of the subcontinent to form India and Pakistan was not done properly.

“When the partition was done on the basis of religion by then stakeholders, Pakistan should have been given to one religion and India to another religion. Then this fight could have been avoided.”

India is home to more than 200 million Muslims, the third-largest population after Indonesia and Pakistan. But Dubey thinks India should be declared a Hindu nation.

Singer and songwriter Upendra Rana, from Uttar Pradesh’s city of Noida on the outskirts of the Indian capital, has more than 370,000 subscribers on YouTube.

Rana used to record devotional music through audio cassettes with a local label. When he started getting fame, he decided to do songs independently and created his own channel.

Rana’s journey in “Hindutva pop” began in 2017 when he began writing mostly songs about history in which he praised the Hindu rulers of the past, despite historians insist it is incorrect to use the prism of religion to understand pre-modern history.

One of Rana’s songs says: “Dharm ke naam zameen gayi, Islami mulk banaye” (In the name of their religion, we lost our land; they made it an Islamic nation).

The video of the song was shot at Dasna Devi Temple in Ghaziabad, a district neighbouring Noida. The temple is managed by Yati Narsinghanand, a controversial Hindutva leader who was recently arrested for his hate speeches against Muslims. The music video features Narsinghanand brandishing swords with Rana.

“Hindu mythology is missing from school curriculum. Through my songs, I want the children to remember Hindu warriors,” he said.

Academic Prakash says the mass production of “Hindutva pop” is a new phenomenon.

“Earlier it used to be done by political organisations. The danger is that now it is becoming a part of the mass culture,” he told Al Jazeera.
 

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But the Indian Muslims are not being innocent little darlings either:


‘Fear is increasing’: Hindus flee Kashmir amid spate of targeted killings

Increase in violence prompts protests and biggest exodus of Kashmiri Pandit families for two decades

Indian paramilitary soldiers patrol in Srinagar, Indian-controlled Kashmir.


Indian paramilitary soldiers patrol in Srinagar, Indian-controlled Kashmir. Kashmiri Pandits have been demanding more security in light of the violence. Photograph: Mukhtar Khan/AP

Aakash Hassan In Srinagar

Sun 5 Jun 2022 09.50 BST

Hundreds of minority Hindus have fled from Indian-administered Kashmir, and many more are preparing to leave, after a fresh spate of targeted killings stoked tensions in the disputed Himalayan region.

Three Hindus have been killed by militants in Kashmir this week alone, including a teacher and migrant workers, prompting mass protests and the largest exodus of Hindu families from the Muslim-majority region in two decades.

Sanjay Tickoo, a Kashmiri Pandit activist, said: “Some 3,500 people have left and more will be leaving in coming days.”

Many Hindu families said they were waiting to get discharge certificates for their children from schools and then would leave as soon as possible. “Fear is increasing with each new killing,” said Tickoo. “The minorities are facing the worst situation in Kashmir.”

On Thursday morning, suspected rebels killed Vijay Kumar, a bank manager from Rajasthan state, in southern Kulgam district. CCTV footage showed a masked man walking into Kumar’s office and firing a pistol at him.

Later in the evening, two Hindu migrant workers were shot at in Budgam by two masked gunmen. One among them, identified as Dilkhush from Bihar, died from his injuries on the way to the hospital.

Two days before that, Rajni Bala, a Hindu school teacher, was killed by suspected militants, also in Kulgam. On 12 May, Rahul Bhat, a Hindu man, was killed when assailants barged into his office and fired bullets at him.

At least 19 civilians have been killed this year in similar targeted attacks in the region, including minority Hindus, government employees and a woman who was known for her Instagram videos.

Police have blamed Pakistan-backed militant groups for the killings. Kashmir has been a disputed territory between India and Pakistan since their independence in 1947. While both countries control the region in parts, they both lay claim over it in its entirety, and since the 1980s, Indian-controlled Kashmir has been rocked by a violent militant insurgency loyal to Pakistan.

After the string of attacks, Hindus say they being driven out of the region. These include Kashmiri Hindus, commonly referred to as Pandits, 65,000 of whom first fled from the valley in a mass exodus in the 1990s, when a violent pro-Pakistan insurgency broke out in the region and they began to be targeted.

By 2010, a few thousand Kashmiri Hindus had returned to the Muslim-majority region, enticed by a government rehabilitation policy that provided jobs and guarded accommodation to about 4,000 people. But in recent weeks, those who returned have been protesting against the killings and demanding more security. Hindu employees have been abstaining from their duties, urging the government to relocate them to safer locations.

“We are in a 1990s-like situation,” said Pyarai Lal, 65, who lives in Sheikhpora Budgam, in one of the seven guarded housing facilities provided to Hindus. “My son is a teacher and he has not attended his duty for the last two weeks. We are afraid to even leave our home. Who knows when a gunman will attack?”

Lal shifted to southern Jammu city in 1987 with his family and returned in 2010 after the government gave his son a teaching job. But now, he and his family are again preparing to leave. “It seems the situation is going to get worse and we are going to leave soon to Jammu,” said Lal.
Authorities have promised the employees they will be posted to safer locations, and police made assurances they were increasing security by intensifying counter-insurgency operations, surveillance and using drones.

But many Kashmiri Pandits have accused authorities of barring them from leaving and allege that police and paramilitary forces have been deployed at the gates of their government provided accommodations to stop them.

“It seems the government is waiting to get us all killed,” said Rinku Bhat, a Kashmiri Pandit. “Or they are trying to show false normalcy by forcibly holding us at a place where every minute is unsafe for us.”

On Wednesday, the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Simiti, an organisation that tracks the minority community in the region, wrote a letter to the region’s chief justice raising concern for their safety and accused the government of playing with their lives by preventing them from relocation, seeking high court intervention.

The targeted attacks against Hindus pose a great political challenge to prime minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) government, which has made repeated promises to look after the interests of Kashmiri Pandits. On Friday, India’s home minister, Amit Shah, held a high-level review meeting on the security situation in the region, but no government statement has been made on the issue.

In 2019, Modi unilaterally revoked Kashmir’s autonomy, and enforced a military crackdown under the guise of greater security for Kashmir. The government introduced a slew of laws allowing non-locals to buy property in the region, in the hope of enticing Hindus to settle in the state, a move many locals feared was Delhi’s attempt to bring about demographic changes in the Muslim-majority region.

Many see the removal of Kashmir’s autonomy in 2019, as well as Hindu nationalist policies of the Modi government, which have driven an increase in attacks against Muslims in India, as a driving force behind the growing surge of violence in Kashmir.

“Kashmiri Muslims feel their religion and identity is in the danger and [the attacks] definitely seems in reaction to that,” said Tickoo.
 

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Administrator

A new extremist Hindu movement made up mostly of young men is growing in India. They call themselves "trads" - short for traditionalists - and they mimic the tricks and techniques used by the American alt-right.

Trads love memes and loathe mainstream Hindu nationalist parties, even the ruling BJP.

They see the party and Prime Minister Narendra Modi as not nearly as aggressive enough in advancing Hindu interests. In a rare on-camera interview we speak to a 16-year-old trad who's obsessed with fascist ideas and wants a Hindu monarchy.
 

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How Shah Rukh Khan's Pathaan will strengthen Hindu nationalism


Azad Essa

3 February 2023

Pathaan is not merely an awful film, it will bolster the fascist hold over India

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In Pathaan, Indian Muslims are expected to rein in their Muslimness and prove their loyalty to the nation and empire in order to belong (MEE Creative)


There is a moment in Pathaan, the new Bollywood film that has raked in historic profits in its debut week at the box office, when the titular character, played by Shah Rukh Khan (known as SRK), is asked: "Are you a Muslim?"

He deflects the question and answers that he doesn't know what he is since he is an orphan who was abandoned in a cinema hall. "My country brought me up. That’s why I chose to serve my country and joined the army," he adds. The scene tells us everything we need to know about the film and reveals SRK’s attitude towards religion in India.

But we shall return to that. First, let's talk about the plot.

In the thriller, Pathaan is tasked with stopping a deadly attack planned by an Indian ex-spy, Jim (John Abraham), who joins forces with a Pakistani army general, Qadir (Manish Wadhwa).

The movie villains threaten to unleash a lethal virus over a city in India that would annihilate its entire population. The Pakistani general wants to retaliate against India's decision to revoke Article 370, or the special status of the semi-autonomous region of Kashmir, while the former spy has a personal axe to grind with his former bosses.

Pathaan, a special agent working at the top of India's intelligence agency, RAW, has to pair up, albeit awkwardly at first, with Pakistani spy Rubina (Deepika Padukone) to save India from the deranged duo.

Since the film's main antagonist is an aggrieved Indian former spy working at the behest of a Pakistani general, it has been applauded for providing some nuance to the longstanding geopolitical rivalry existing between the neighbouring countries. So, in this way, Pathaan, a "good" Indian Muslim, works with Rubina, a "good" Pakistani agent, to prevent a massacre in India orchestrated by a "bad" Pakistani general and a "bad" errant Indian agent.

There are good people and bad people, the film seems to say. It doesn't matter if they are Indian or Pakistani.

This, some observers have noted, is the subversive plot that all of India and even Pakistan have been waiting for, as Delhi slides further into authoritarianism and fascism under the Hindu nationalist prime minister, Narendra Modi.

And Kashmir, like so many Bollywood films before it, is merely a placeholder.

'Raised by India'​

The success of the film and the reopening of cinema halls to accommodate the returning masses to theatres ravaged by Covid-19 has been seen as a slap in the face to Hindu supremacists who called for its boycott over a saffron bikini scene. It was also interpreted as evidence of SRK’s "resistance" to fascist forces who do not see a place for Muslims in India.

But is Pathaan really the film we have all been waiting for?

Does it poke at any of the myths of Hindu nationalism and supremacy that have enveloped India over the past decade? For this, we must return to that scene when the whisky-toting-bikini-clad liberal Pakistani spy Rubina (read: "good Muslim") stares longingly at Pathaan and asks if he is Muslim.

After evading the question and expressing his nationalistic pride as the orphan who was "raised by India", Pathaan explains that his adopted name came from a clan in a village in Afghanistan that nursed him back to health following an injury he sustained during a mission for the Indian army.

In a single swipe, the scene erases both Pathaan and SRK’s direct connection to his Muslim heritage.

In so doing, it succumbs to the Hindu nationalist belief that Islam is not intrinsic to Indian Muslims. Pathaan's Muslimness - conveyed through a story of how he was given his name in Afghanistan - is therefore a borrowed and acquired identity and, crucially, one that is foreign to India. In this way, Pathaan was "lost" and through his kinship with the Indian army, he is "found".


His allegiance, then, is to Mother India, to whom he belongs. And for Pathaan, Mother India manifests herself in his superior, Nandini (Dimple Kapadia) whom he calls mother, too.

Later, and naturally so, when Nandini sacrifices herself for the nation, she invokes the name of the Hindu deity Shiva, making it clear who is at the core of Mother India's spiritual centre.

Pathaan


Shah Rukh Khan as the titular character in Pathaan (2023)

This is a stunning invocation of Hindutva (Hinduness, or ways of being Hindu) and underscores SRK’s embrace of Hindu majoritarianism in Indian society while tacitly legitimising the vast prejudices against Muslims there.

We have seen it in Main Hoon Na (2004), in which the plot line is eerily similar. Invoking the Hindu epic The Ramayana, SRK plays Major Ram who works with his brother Lakshman (Zayed Khan) to stop another disgruntled Indian soldier, Raghavan (Suniel Shetty), from destroying a temporary peace deal with Pakistan.

On the surface, the film is an entertaining spoof and homage to classic 70s Bollywood cinema, but at its core, it celebrates militarism and promotes the Indian army as a just, moral actor in a rough world. Raghavan is a Hindu nationalist who cannot accept peace with Pakistan because his son died in Kashmir; and so the film can't help but find a way to casually demonise Kashmir, too.

In Chak De! India (2007), SRK plays Kabir Khan, a disgraced hockey player whose mistake against Pakistan in a World Cup Final costs India the World Cup. He is labelled a traitor. Years later, Kabir Khan takes on the coaching gig of the hapless Indian women's hockey team and leads them to an unthinkable World Cup win. In so doing, he proves his worth as an Indian Muslim and is welcomed back into Indian society.

Again, the message is clear: Muslims must perform the impossible to gain acceptance or remain invisible. It is the kind of approach SRK has carefully incorporated in his private life, too.

He is quoted as saying: "I am a Muslim, my wife is Hindu, and my kids are Hindustan," and "I gave my son and daughter names that could pass for generic (pan-Indian and pan-religious) ones: Aryan and Suhana", underlining that his privileged household is somewhat of a syncretic space, like Bollywood, where actors have for decades cosplayed as secularists and sold India as an inclusive, vibrant, non-violent, and tolerant democracy.

But outside the bubble, India has always been a difficult place for Muslims, or Dalits, or Christians.

Pathaan continues this legacy and refuses to engage with reality. But beyond the scam of the secular fantasy promulgated by Bollywood, of which SRK has been its biggest proponent, Pathaan goes even further and causes irreparable harm.

And this revolves around the depiction of Kashmir.

Kashmir: The real plot​

Predictably, the film does not challenge India’s decision to revoke Article 370, and the only "dissent" emerges from the Pakistani general and his hired mercenary who want to exact revenge on India.

But whereas Kashmir may be considered as merely the backdrop of the plot, Kashmir, in truth, is the plot itself.

In a time of rampant Hindu nationalism, when Modi and his ruling party, the BJP, are defining the Indian nation in strictly Hindu terms, Bollywood's fantasy secularism in the form of Pathaan has come to reinforce Hindutva's gains over Indian Muslims and over Kashmir while putting a liberal spin on it.

By the logic of the script, Pakistan’s anger towards India over its actions in Kashmir is effectively reduced to one man's personal quest for vengeance. What Kashmiris themselves may want is not even a question or a consideration in the film. They are simply part of India, whether they like it or not.

Furthermore, the way to solve this crisis is not to restore Kashmir’s semi-autonomous status or to work together to give Kashmiris their right to self-determination (one could only dream of the latter); the film instead teams up a pair of Indian and Pakistani spies to thwart an evil plot against India, portrayed as the victim, despite its role as the perpetrator of the central crime, the brutal annexation of Kashmir.

In another scene, Jim, the former spy turned villain, offers to call off the biological attack on one of India’s cities if the government "gave" him Kashmir (presumably on behalf of the Pakistani general). India refuses.

Again, the message is clear: Kashmir is not up for discussion even if it results in the annihilation of an entire Indian city.

Undivided India​

The abrogation of autonomy in 2019 and the period since then has seen some of the most difficult days in Kashmir in an already decades-long occupation. The Indian government's crackdown on all forms of dissent, including restrictions on internet access and communication, has had a chilling effect.

It has also implemented a project to change the demographics in order to achieve Hindu supremacy in the Muslim-majority region. The nature of Brand India, partly as a result of the soft power that Bollywood has exerted for decades, is such that India has been granted complete impunity by the international community for its brutalisation of Kashmiris.

What is this, other than the endorsement and normalisation of Modi, the RSS, and the Hindu right’s settler-colonial project in Kashmir? And what message does it send?

Indian Muslims are expected to rein in their Muslimness and prove their loyalty to the nation and empire in order to belong, including, and especially, when it comes to normalising and defending the occupation of their fellow Muslims in Kashmir.

Moreover, Pathaan presents a world in which Pakistan and Afghanistan can be brought under the domain of India’s ambitions too. All of the other countries in the region must orbit around India. The geographical overlap with Hindutva’s territorial imaginaries of what is known as Akhand Bharat (Undivided India), which extends from Myanmar to Afghanistan, is hard to miss.


Is it really a surprise then that Pathaan uses "good" Afghan villagers to trap his Pakistan-sponsored adversary? The parallels with RSS and Indian foreign policy are stunning. And it does all of this with the finesse of a peacemaker and lover, and not a harsh polemicist or provocateur.

This is not to discount the fact that SRK has faced attacks and the wrath and jealousy of the Hindu nationalist brigade over his wealth and place as a symbol of inclusion in the Indian imagination. They have burnt his posters, trolled him endlessly online. His son, Aryan, too, was "deliberately targeted" in an irregular criminal investigation.

But within a week of the film's release, SRK observed in an interview that the success and love showered on him had greatly diminished the problems he had faced in recent years. "In the last four days, I’ve forgotten my last four years," he said.

The troubles he has faced, however, are nothing compared to what the last four years have meant to ordinary Indian Muslims reeling under new citizenship laws, pogroms, public lynchings, destruction of homes and mosques, mass arrests, and intimidation. Nor does it compare to the millions of Kashmiris waking up to new settler-colonial laws every passing day, while India has completely silenced and criminalised all forms of dissent.

For its hero to not even attempt to defeat the forces of communalism or fascism by way of fiction but instead ask that Muslims either hide themselves or organise in the service of the Hindu nation and help oppress Kashmiris further, Pathaan is not merely an awful film, it will strengthen the fascist hold over India.


Azad Essa is a senior reporter for Middle East Eye based in New York City. He worked for Al Jazeera English between 2010-2018 covering southern and central Africa for the network. He is the author of 'Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between India and Israel' (Pluto Press, Feb 2023)
 
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